Thailand’s Democracy Crumbles: Dynasties Weaken Institutions, Fuel Political Chaos
Dynastic power grabs and broken institutions signal an authoritarian shift in Thailand’s struggling democracy.
Thailand, 2025: Forget the faces; focus on the pattern. It’s a pattern that should unsettle anyone invested in the fragile experiment of self-governance. A constitutional challenge. Whispers of corruption. Backroom deals brokered by families who treat political power like inherited wealth. What looks like a self-contained political drama unfolding in Southeast Asia is, in truth, a warning signal, a high-pitched whine emanating from a system buckling under the strain of deep, perhaps irreconcilable, contradictions.
The latest act centers on Chaikasem Nitisiri, the Pheu Thai Party’s potential Prime Minister, who’s tiptoeing around questions about succeeding Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the suspended Prime Minister and daughter of exiled ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra. As reported by the Bangkok Post, he insists discussions with Thaksin haven’t occurred. Meanwhile, Paetongtarn awaits a Constitutional Court ruling regarding a controversial phone call to Cambodia. It’s a dizzying game of musical chairs.
“There would not be a political deadlock and numerous options would still be on the table if the Constitutional Court rules against his daughter… Either Mr Chaikasem would be nominated for the role, or the House of Representatives would be dissolved.”
But zoom out. Why does Thai politics remain tethered to these dynasties? Why does the constant threat of dissolution—of vaporizing democratic progress—hang so heavily in the air? The answer is not merely a matter of individual actors, but a structural flaw: Thailand’s unique socio-political DNA, a helix twisted by decades of military interventions, fleeting civilian rule, and a deeply ingrained culture of patronage that permeates every level of society.
Thailand’s path to democracy has been repeatedly blocked. The 1932 Siamese Revolution, while nominally ending absolute monarchy, initiated an era overshadowed by military rule. Since then, thirteen successful coups and numerous attempted ones have shaped the political landscape. The result is a constitution perpetually open to interpretation, where the “rules” are frequently bent, broken, or simply ignored, fostering public cynicism. And consider this: every constitution since 1932 has, in some way, been rewritten or overturned by the military or judicial bodies. As political scientist Thitinan Pongsudhirak has argued, this ongoing instability illustrates a fundamental conflict between democratic ideals and the enduring influence of the traditional elite, a struggle where the scales are permanently tipped.
Adding another layer, consider the economic engine driving this cycle. Thaksin Shinawatra’s initial rise was fueled by policies that directed resources towards the rural poor, challenging the established Bangkok-centric power structure. But these very policies simultaneously cultivated a sprawling patronage system, creating dependencies and vulnerabilities ripe for exploitation. Dissolving parliament, as suggested by People’s Party MP Rangsiman Rome, provides a temporary release, but fails to address these deeply rooted economic incentives or dismantle the networks of influence that sustain them. It’s like treating a symptom while ignoring the disease.
Ultimately, these events expose an uncomfortable truth: Thailand’s persistent political instability stems not from individual bad actors, but from the fragility of its institutions, allowing those actors to exert disproportionate influence. Absent a fundamental reimagining of Thai governance—one that prioritizes transparency, accountability enforced by independent bodies, and truly equitable access to power—expect more of the same. The characters may change, the scandals may shift, but the cycle will inevitably resume. This isn’t simply a Thai drama; it’s a cautionary tale for all democracies. It’s a stark reminder that the rituals of elections are a performance without the bedrock of resilient institutions that can, and will, restrain power. And, perhaps even more disturbingly, a reminder that in the absence of that bedrock, democratic processes can be weaponized to further entrench authoritarian tendencies.